Jordan Update

29 April 2008

INTRODUCTION

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan holds a strategic location in the Middle East, sharing borders with Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria, Israel and the West Bank. Since Hussein bin Talal became King of Jordan in 1952 democratic institutions were introduced. After his death in 1999, Hussein’s oldest son, Abdullah, succeeded the throne. In his position as Chief of State, Abdullah has followed a policy of continuing his father's paternalistic style of rule from a moderate, pro-West political viewpoint, claiming to gradually evolve the political landscape in Jordan from an autocratic state into a democracy with political pluralism. However, this notion is fiercely contested by the opposition, which regards the king’s policies as anti-democratic. Especially in the light of the newly amended political parties law, raising the barriers to establish political parties, and the still expected electoral law, which was supposed to be finished even before the 2007 elections, the opposition speaks of a deteriorating political situation. Moreover, the extensive history of clans and tribes hinders the democratisation process at large.

ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL SITUATION

Jordan is a constitutional monarchy, and the laws are based on Islamic law and French codes. The constitution was first proclaimed on 8 January 1952, and has since been amended several times to meet the Kingdom’s changing needs. The government consists of Chief of State (the King), the executive Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, and the legislative National Assembly with two chambers: the House of Deputies and the Senate.

The King
The King has the main power in Jordan and the monarch’s function is hereditary. The monarch has the power to appoint the Prime Minister and the Senate, and dissolve the House of Deputies at any time. Furthermore, the King is not obliged to appoint a prime minister or form a government from either the majority party or the parliament, and currently prefers to rely on his own loyal supporters and wealthy Palestinian businessmen instead. Besides, the King signs and executes all laws. He appoints and may dismiss judges by decree, approve amendments to the constitution, declare war, and command the armed forces. His veto power can only be overridden by a two-thirds vote of both houses of the National Assembly.

King Hussein [1953-1999], born in 1935, was the longest serving executive head of state in the world, governing the constitutional monarchy for 47 years until his death in 1999. One of his main challenges was to defend the legitimacy of the existence of the Jordanian state in a time when then Egyptian president Nasser propagated pan-Arabic nationalism. After a short pan-Arabic flirt, King Hussein decided to rely on its foreign, Western patrons. Hussein tried to combat internal radical nationalism with the help of the United States and Great Britain. Support from surrounding countries in that period came from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Many of his other fellow Arabs disliked him for his moderate, pro-Western stance. However, his reputation as a moderate was also countered by the firm, sometimes ruthless way he ruled his country. Hussein was criticized for the new electoral law that led to the Islamic Action Front’s boycott of the 1997 elections, and the controversial temporary laws, completed during the period from 2001 to 2003, in which the King ruled by decree without the control of a parliament.

Yet, King Hussein made Jordan into a model state for the region, by building up a democratic state and raising living standards. King Hussein also worked to resolve disputes between Arab states, as in the Gulf War of 1990-1991. Jordan was leading the Arab’s peace process with Israel, which was sealed in 1994 with a partnership between Israeli Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein.

Hussein’s son Abdullah [1999-present], of half-British and half-Hashemite descent, was decreed Crown Prince on 24 January 1991. Given his mixed heritage, this was a contested decision. Nevertheless, Abdullah, who claims to be the 43rd generation descendant of the prophet Muhammad, became King Abdullah II, and is now placed for the task of continuing the work of his father by investing in peace building. However, so far his reign has been a mixed success. There has been sharp criticism levelled at Abdullah that he and his Jordanian regime restrict freedom of speech due to his amendment to the Jordanian Penal Code, to ensure the legislation of the punishment of all those who express dissent. Human rights organizations have criticized Abdullah and his regime for several human rights violations and acts of torture committed against Islamic radicals and those who express dissent and criticism over his policies. King Abdullah’s son Prince Hussein (born 1994) is first in line to inherit the throne after his father.

The Prime Minister
The Prime Minister is appointed by the King and does not serve a fixed term. After the King’s mandate, the Prime Minister has the highest executive role. The Prime Minister has one or two Deputy Prime Ministers under his lead.

Marouf Bakhit (November 2005- November 2007) was requested by the King to form a new government after the terrorist events of November 2005. The former director of National Security and ambassador to Turkey and Israel replaced outgoing premier Adnan Badran, who had been Prime Minister since April 2005. Bahkit was a prominent figure in the peace process between Israel and Jordan, which led to the 1994 peace treaty. Seen his powerful political and security background, Bakhit was appointed particularly to shape an active policy to prevent other acts of terrorism.

After the 20 November 2007 parliamentary elections king Abdullah II dissolved the cabinet, and on 25 November 2007, a new cabinet was sworn in. Nader Dahabi (1946 -) was appointed as prime minister and minister of defense. In 1964, Dahabi graduated from Al Hussein College in Amman and joined the Royal Jordanian Air Force as a cadet. Dahabi also holds masters degrees in aeronautical engineering (Cranfield Institute of Technology, UK) and public administration (Auburn University, US). From 1994 to 2001 he headed the Royal Jordanian Airlines. Since 2004, he was a chief commissioner of the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority. He also served as transport minister in former Prime Minister Ali Abdul Ragheb’s government (2000-2003). Dahabi’s government is the first government with four women.

The Senate
The Upper House forms one half of the national legislature, the other being the House of Deputies. The Senate consists of 55 seats, and members are appointed by the monarch from designated categories of public figures and long-serving politicians. The required age for membership is 40 years. The Senate advises the House of Deputies on general policies, and together the two chambers can curb the King’s powers. It is in general a respected institute, with a large influence in the public domain. The Senate serves for a four-year term, and was lastly renewed on 29 November 2007. Current president of the Senate is Mr. Zeid Rifai.

The House of Deputies
The House of Deputies is the only political organ that is directly elected by the Jordan citizens through universal adult suffrage. It is elected for a 4 years term, unless the monarch dissolves it earlier. From a total of 110 seats, 6 seats are reserved for women, 9 for Christians and 3 for Circassians. The parliament has the right to approve, reject or amend legislation proposed by the cabinet. However, it is limited in its ability to initiate legislation and it cannot enact laws without the assent of the senate. Most of the representatives in the house of deputies are not affiliated to a party. This is a result of the clan history of the country, combined with the long period in which political parties were illegal. Political parties were abolished in April 1957, following an alleged attempted coup by pan-Arab militants, and only in 1992, with the new Political Parties Law, did Jordan return to multi-party representation. Furthermore, the single-member-district system which was introduced in 1993 favours tribal and family ties over political and ideological affiliations. The current house of deputies consists of a majority of independent and tribal representatives and several MPs of the Islamic Front, with a minority of seats for the Leftist Parties and Independent Islamists.

Electoral law
After a period of 22 years, in 1989 the first free elections were held in Jordan under King Hussein’s rule. The official ban on political parties from 1957 remained, but candidates ranged ideologically from the extreme left to the extreme right. Most of these independent candidates formed loosely organized blocs. Analysts state that these blocs were predominantly organised along tribal and family ties, instead of along political or ideological affiliations. A new Political Parties Law, allowing for political parties, was published in 1992. Since then political party life could take off again. In 1993, the first multiparty elections took place in 37 years. However, as a result of this long political parties ban, there are still many candidates acting on an independent, individual basis.

On 22 July 2001, a new Election Law was issued by Royal decree, including some significant changes: it lowered the voting age from 19 to 18, it raised the number of parliamentary seats from 80 to 110, it reserved a quota of 6 seats for women, increased the number of constituencies from 21 to 44, and redistributed parliamentary seats. Citizens vote for one candidate in their own district, with seats being awarded to the highest-polling individual candidates compatible with the number of seats in the district. This system is known as the ‘single non-transferable vote system.’ These changes were implemented during the elections in 2003.

Currently, the election law is again under revision. Initially, a new election law was supposed to be passed ahead of the 20 November 2007 parliamentary elections. However, after discussion of the law had been postponed several times, the government decided to hold the elections under a temporary law, without any changes to the 2001 version of the law. This sparked serious criticism by the opposition, as the single non-transferable vote system which is currently being used is widely regarded as being disadvantageous to the development of political parties, as it tends to result in votes being cast for individual candidates or those who represent specific groups in a district instead of those who stand for a specific political party platform. In those regions where tribal culture is dominant, voters tend to cast their vote for those candidates connected to their tribe or family.

Political Parties Law 2008
In March 2007, the Jordanian parliament endorsed amendments to the Political Parties Law, stipulating that each party must have at least 500 founding members from a minimum of 5 different governorates with equal representation. This is a significant increase compared to the previous law, which set the number of founders at 50, without any requirement concerning their place of residence within Jordan. Most opposition parties were against the amendments to the old law, arguing that the new law would be detrimental to the development of the political party system in the country, as most parties would not be able to re-register. Surveys consistently show that most Jordanians would not consider registering as member of any political movement. Political apathy, which seems to be especially strong in rural areas, severely hindered the ability of parties to lure new members in order to comply with the new regulation. Moreover, opposition parties have protested the changes in the political parties law before any serious change has been made to the election law, which according to them is, due to the single non-transferable voting system, a much greater impediment to the development of political parties. The government, however, claims that the amendments will further the political party landscape in Jordan by getting rid off all the smaller parties which aren’t able to consolidate a broad base of support, creating more room for the larger parties to develop. The amendments furthermore paved the way for official funding to parties. However, no details are yet disclosed on how such funding would be made available.

Since the amendments were passed, parties were given a year to comply with the new requirements. On 15 April 2008, all parties had to be reregistered with the Ministry of the Interior under the new regulations. Of Jordan’s previous 37 political parties, only 14 were able to meet the new requirements. A majority of 23 parties, however, failed to meet the new requirements. On 16 April, the Ministry of the Interior issued a statement saying “[a]ll parties that have not rectified their legal status in accordance with the law are considered dissolved.” The Ministry furthermore declared that of the 23 parties that had failed to obtain a license, 17 parties, mostly of Pan-Arab and leftist inclinations, had ceased to exist altogether, while 6 merged into other parties.

The opposition continues to voice its outrage over the new requirements. Four political parties which failed to obtain a license have announced their intention to file a lawsuit at the Higher Court of Justice. According to Mohammad Ouran, secretary general of the unregistered Arab Land Party, “we are existing parties which acquired a licence in accordance with the law; therefore we should not be asked to prove our credentials again under a new law. This law should only be applied to newly-formed parties.” The Islamic Action Front (IAF), the biggest opposition party in the country which holds 6 seats in parliament and was able to register under the new stipulations, has also announced it will continue to critique the new law: “We reject the constitutional law, which dangerously threatens political life and democratization and puts political parties under the mercy of security departments.”

Parliamentary elections 20 November 2007
The last parliamentary elections in Jordan were held on 20 November 2007. The average turnout was 54%, slightly lower than at the parliamentary elections of 2003 (58%). However, the turnout showed big differences within the country, and varied from 80% in some rural areas to 28% in some constituencies in Jordan’s capital Amman.

The elections were free and fair, according to Jordan’s interior minister. However, the Islamic Action Front stated after the elections that the elections were framed. According to their own impression, the Islamic Action Front should have won 16 seats (compared to the outcomes of the elections: 6). IAF spokesman Jamil Abu Bakr called for a rerun of polling in constituencies where he said fraud had occurred:

"This is an electoral massacre... violations by far exceeded even the last elections... it will have harmful repercussions on the country's political progress."

However, despite the protests, the results were officially as follows:

House of Deputies, general legislative election 17 June 2003	% of votes	Number of seats
Independent and tribal representatives	89%	98 (+12)
Islamic Action Front (IAF)	5,5%	6 (-12)
Women’s quota	5,5%	6 (-)
Total	100%	110

Source: Jordan Embassy to the U.S.

Election results were as follows: tribal candidates and candidates of conservative social forces (Allies of King Abdullah II and other non-partisans) achieved an important victory by winning a total of 98 parliamentary seats, while leftist and nationalist political parties (Democratic Block and National Democratic Current) failed to win any seat in the parliament. The IAF won 6 seats, 12 less than 2003.

Compared to the elections of 1989, 1993, 1997 and 2003 there is a clear downfall of the representation of the IAF and the leftist, nationalist parties. The opposition, including the IAF, leftist and nationalist parties, had, in fact, surprised regime loyalists by taking more than half the seats in parliament after the first elections, in 1989. Due to the electoral reforms for the 1993 elections to curb the opposition’s power, the IAF as well as secular leftist parties lost seats in the 1993 elections. In 1997 elections, which were boycotted by the IAF to protest against the one-person, one-vote formula, the independent candidates gained 75 out of 80 seats, leaving 2 seats for the centrist National Constitutional Party, 1 seat for the nationalist Socialist Arab Baath Party, 1 seat for the leftist Unionist Democratic Party and 1 seat for the nationalist Arab Land Party. Even though many oppositional political parties have no clear prospect of their participation in the parliament, they have grown in size since the rebirth of political party life in 1989.

Female and Minority representation
In Jordan, women are allowed to vote and run in general elections since 1974. Instrumental in the implementation of these rights was the foundation of the Arab’s Women’s Union, officially founded in 1954, but politically active since 1974. However, despite the official rights to political participation, the actual participation rate of women in political life is very low. This is due to many obstacles that hinder effective female participation, of social, financial as well as legislative nature. However, in 2003 a new measure was taken by allowing a quota of 6 seats for women in the parliament. In the previous three elections (1989, 1993, and 1997) only one woman was elected to parliament: independent candidate Tujan al-Faysal.

The quota for women is an important step towards increased female political participation, yet the structural problems of the Jordan male political culture still need to be resolved. A lack of party support and backing makes it difficult for women to have a political platform. Other factors, which hinder female participation, are lack of media support, lack of confidence among voters, and lack of cooperation and networking between women’s organizations and members of parliament.

The electoral system in Jordan shows a clear bias against minorities. In particular, electoral districts are structured in such a way that rural and tribal areas are overrepresented through the ballot. Urban areas, where large concentrations of refugees live, are significantly underrepresented. According to the Jordanian cabinet, which holds the power to decide over the structure of the electoral districts, this is because the cities are, in any case, best represented. However, it is commonly asserted that the real reason is to keep the influence of refugees, who have mainly come from the Palestinian territories, on Jordanian politics as small as possible.

Composition of the government
On 25 November 2007, 5 days after parliamentary elections had taken place, King Abdullah II swore in a new government. The government, which was announced by the new Prime Minister Nader Al Dahabi, consist of 27 members, of which 8 also served in the former cabinet. The government is appointed by the king, but has to be approved by a majority of the parliament. As it is responsible to the Chamber of Deputies on matters of general policy, it can be forced to resign by a two-thirds vote of "no confidence" by that body. In the current government, 4 female ministers have been included. Although certainly no equal gender representation, this can be seen as a huge increase when one considers in the previous government only 1 woman took part. Most of the ministers are considered technocrats, who have usually served in other state positions before taking on their posts in the cabinet.

IMPORTANT POLITICAL ISSUES

Human rights
The international organization Freedom House rated the country in 2007 with a 5 on political rights and with a 4 on civil rights, both on a scale of 1 to 7 (in which 1 is the most free). Freedom House considers Jordan to be a partly free country. During the period 1993-2003, the ratings for political rights went down from 4 to 6, and for civil rights from 4 to 5. Jordan’s political rights rating in 2003 declined from 5 to 6 due to King Abdullah’s postponement of elections and his continued rule by decree. Also, King Abdullah represses all criticism of Jordanian relations with Israel by banning all demonstrations, and disregarding civil rights in order to preserve the Jordan-Israeli Peace Treaty, established in 1994. Since the ratings went up in 2005 to 5 on political rights and 4 on civil rights, they have remained stable. However, no progress was noted. In April 2008, Human Rights Watch accused Jordan to of torturing prisoners delegated to the country by the CIA. The Islamic Action Front has released a statement, demanding “an independent, non-government and transparent investigation into the HRW charges about the existence of secret jails in Jordan.”

Women’s issues
Concerning women rights in Jordan, important progress was made when the first Arab Women’s Union appeared on the stage in the 1940s/50s. They achieved recommendations for amendment of the Election Law, allowing women to participate politically. However, the union was banned prematurely and made ineffective. After an impasse of 20 years, women’s activism returned to the stage in an organized fashion in the 1970s. The activists were heavily supported by the United Nations, and could operate in an effective way. In 1974 the women’s right to vote was achieved. After this success, the women’s union began to specialize and differentiate itself. They worked on taboo issues such as domestic violence, honour crimes, and discrimination against women. However, despite the efforts of King Abdullah, punishment for honour crimes is still relatively light.

Recently, women have obtained a number of rights, such as a quota for women in the new Parliamentary Election Law of 2003 and amendments to the Personal Status Law in order to protect women, such as allowing women to divorce, forbidding male polygamy, and raising the legal age of marriage (from 15 for women and 16 for men to 18 for both genders).

A general tendency is that women’s issues are increasingly politicised, they have been put on the political agenda and become incorporated into systematic national development plans. An important struggle for women’s right nowadays is the amendment of article 340 of the Jordanian penal code, which offers exemption or reduction of penalty in the case of family honour crimes. King Abdullah agreed on amending the law in order to ban blameless violent actions against adulteress women, and equalize gender relations. However, a survey conducted by The Jordan Times discovered that 62% of the Jordanians oppose amending article 340. The Islamic Movement IAF convinced the Parliament not to change the law, but instead only to add a line stating that from now on women will also be less severely punished if they react in a violent manner to a deceitful husband.

Religious minorities
More than 95% of the Jordan citizens is Sunni Muslim. Next to the Sunni Muslim, there is a minority group of Christians (4%) and a small number of Shi’a Muslims. The 1952 Constitution stipulates that the King and his successors must be Muslims and sons of Muslim parents. Yet, King Hussein and King Abdullah have always tried to protect minorities. Jordan's Constitution guarantees freedom of religious beliefs. Christians from the largest non-Muslim minority have always been tolerated, partly due to their fine economic status. Seats have been reserved for Christians in the House of Deputies and positions in the upper levels of the military. However, since Sunni Muslim is the state religion, measures taken to authorize practices of the religion, such as closure of restaurants during Ramadan, affect everyone. This, whereas neither Christians nor Shi’a Muslims have the right to practice their religions when this interferes with the state’s demands. There are no reports of forced religious conversion to the Sunni Muslim religion. However, conversion from Sunni Muslim to another religion is often not tolerated, as the indigenous population views religion as central to personal identity.

Refugees and internally displaced persons
Jordan signed a mutual defence pact in 1967 with Egypt, and it participated in the 1967 war between Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Egypt and Iraq. During this war Israel gained control of the West Bank and all of Jerusalem. The 1967 war led to a dramatic increase in the number of Palestinians living in Jordan. Its Palestinian refugee population (700,000 in 1966) had grown by another 300,000 from the West Bank. In 1988 Jordan abandoned its claims to the West Bank due to Palestinian pressure, but retains an administrative role pending a final settlement. As a result of the Palestine occupation, there are now 1.740,000 Palestinian refugees in the Jordan area. The number of internally displaced persons amounts to 800.000, as a result of the Arab-Israeli War.

Since the outbreak of the second Iraq-war in 2003, more than 700.000 displaced persons have settled in Jordan. Shortly after the beginning of the war, the Iraqi refugees were welcomed warmly into Jordan, but since the Amman bombing of November 2005, regulations for refugees have become stricter. The Jordan authorities, for example, have introduced a new passport in order to control the number of incoming refugees better than before.

Freedom of speech and media
The government still controls the media to a large extent. The government owns significant amounts of shares in the printed media, television and radio, even though the newspapers officially belong to the private sector. The most important magazines are ‘The Opinion’, ‘People’s Voice’, ‘The Constitution’, and the English ‘Jordan Times’. The central news agency is Petra. During election times, the papers report for any candidate, whether pro or against the government. However, the character of the information input remains weak and does not satisfy the curiosity of anyone who wants more than regularities. Jordan Radio and Television Corporation have advanced a bit in 2003, allowing for more variant topics and discussions.

A resolution of the International Press Institute's seminar on Freedom of Expression and the Media in 2000 published some recommendations for improvement in the field of free media. Amongst these were the following suggestions: To stop the pre-trials for publication, to implement concrete measures to end extra-legal forms of harassment of journalists and to facilitate the accreditation of foreign journalists. Furthermore, it would be better to end the government control and remove all conditions on who may practise journalism. Information held by public authorities should be open to every journalist as well. Despite the recommendations from 2000 and the fact that advance censorship formally doesn’t exist in Jordan, government authorities still practice a form of informal censorship upon the diverse media in Jordan. Intimidation of journalists and the use of authority force are examples of this informal censorship.

However, the Internet has opened up possibilities to share information that is less likely to receive governmental support. It is also a very helpful mean for women’s associations.

Corruption
Corruption is a profound problem in Jordan economy. The Corruption Perception Index 2006 of Transparency International marks a decline compared to 2005, with Jordan having a mediocre score of 5.3 (5.7 in 2005) on a scale from 0 'highly corrupt' to 10 'highly clean'. Jordan holds the 40th place out of 163 countries. With this rate they score better than countries such like Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and far above their Arab neighbours, with the exception of Israel.

Jordan possesses two anti-corruption organizations: the Higher Committee to Fight Corruption, established in 2000 by royal decree, and the Anti-Corruption Directorate, a branch of the intelligence service. Jordan has been praised for maintaining a fair standard of transparency in public tenders under a World Bank sponsored privatisation effort in 2001. However, major banking scandals in early 2002 tarnished the reputation of the country when dozens of prominent businessmen obtained sizeable loans without collateral. Some even accused the Anti-Corruption Directorate of involvement. A thorough inquiry followed, but few convictions resulted. The new government has put the fight against corruption high on their political agenda for the coming years, just as the previous governments had.

Jordan’s relation with the United States
Jordan has always had strong ties with the United Nations (U.N.) and the United States (U.S.); it is partly the reason why its territory is still intact. A primary objective of U.S. policy is the achievement of a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in the Middle East. In this, Jordan plays a key role. The peace process with Israel and Jordan's opposition to terrorism indirectly assist U.S. interests. Therefore, the U.S. financially aids Jordan and helps the Kingdom to stand its ground. Since 1952, the U.S. has provided Jordan with economic assistance totalling more than $2 billion, including funds for development projects, health care, support for macroeconomic policy shifts toward a more completely free market system, and both grant and loan acquisition of U.S. agricultural commodities. These programs have been successful and have contributed to Jordanian stability while strengthening the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and Jordan. King Abdullah was also one of the first world leaders to visit the U.S. after the September 11 attacks, where he declared that Jordan gave full support to America’s stand against global terrorism.

Economy and Economic dependency
Economically, Jordan’s performance is average compared to the other countries in the region. The GDP per capita is 4,700 U.S. dollars (2006 est.), which places Jordan on a 101st place out of 182 countries. Countries like Egypt and Syria perform worse, while Lebanon and Iran perform slightly better on this issue. However, Jordan’s economy is relatively growing faster (6%, 2006 est.) than its neighbouring countries. The inflation rate was 6,1% in 2006, which is average for the region. Jordan is, however, still economically a small and dependent country

The economic dependency of Jordan traces back to the period of British domination during the Second World War. The British discovered Jordan as a strategic realm for the security of their empire. In return, Jordan received riches from the British. Subsequent to the British support, the Americans took over the protection of the Jordan Kingdom. During the 1960s, money was allocated from the wealthy Palestinians, tourists, and foreign subsidies. The only Jordan export products were fruits and vegetables from the West bank, and a small percentage of phosphates. This, in sharp contrast to the oil-rich Arab neighbours.

When the West bank was occupied in 1967, the future existence of Jordan was heavily threatened. However, due to increased subsidies from the U.S. and help from Arab neighbours who could profit from Jordan’s stability, Jordan recovered from the loss of the West bank. From 1973 onwards, the economic growth amounted to 10% per year. Yet, foreign debts increased while Jordan’s export market stagnated in the 1980s. At the beginning of 1989, Jordan sought help at the IMF to start an economic reform strategy. However, since Jordan has a small economy, with unstable demographic realities that is particularly vulnerable to regional crises, Jordan finds itself in a subordinate position to resolve it’s economic deficits. Subsidies from the United States, neighbouring countries and the IMF are needed to secure a progressing Jordan wealth system.

Jordan’s role in the war on terror
On 9 November 2005 Jordan was horrified by suicide attacks in three hotels in Amman, in which 60 people died, and 100 persons were wounded. The attacks were claimed by Al-Qaeda in Iraq. The Jordan government has learned that their close ties with the US, and home for many Western tourists, can result in being a prime target for terrorist attacks. The dual position of Jordan is difficult to maintain, as King Abdullah wishes to strengthen the ties with both the Western world as well as with their Arab neighbours. However, the Arab nation is referred to as: ‘The Jordan Example’, for the rhetoric of the Islamists is weakened by the responsibility of power and real influence, and this case is strongly discussed all over the Muslim world. The Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Islamic Action Front, were amongst the first to condemn the November 9 attacks in the strongest terms. According to Deputy Abbadi of the Democratic Alliance, the number of Al Qaeda sympathisers in Jordan went down after the November 9 massacres. As the International Crisis Group reports, the new Jordan regime should take advantage of it’s current popular support from the West due to the bombings, and shape it’s economic, political and cultural life.

European Neighbourhood Policy
In November 1995, Jordan materialized their relation with European countries in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and established a policy, with ambitious and long-term objectives, which has become known as the Barcelona process. Among the objectives were: the creation of an area of peace and stability based on the principles of human rights and democracy, the creation of an area of shared prosperity and the improvement of mutual understanding between the partners. After the success of the Barcelona agreement, Europe saw the chance to enlarge cooperation with Jordan in 1997, by creating an Association Agreement, in line with the European Neighbourhood Policy. The Association Agreement prepares the ground for North-South trade, and sustainable economic growth within Jordan. For the Jordan government, cooperation with Europe is welcomed for the economic possibilities, yet their relation with the U.S. remains to be more important due to the bilateral programs of financial assistance and peace cooperation. In its evaluation of the implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy of 3 April 2008, the European Commission praises the progress that is made in Jordan so far, and the positive role the country plays in bringing stability in the region. But the EC also remains highly critical of the state of democracy in the country, expressing its concern over the new political parties law and the still missing revised electoral law. However, the commission has decided to continue and expand its cooperation with Jordan, valuing the collaboration as being overall positive.

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTIES

There are numerous leftist oriented parties in Jordan since the 1950s and 1960s. Most of them grew out of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which were present on the Jordanian scene but they were unable to continue political activity after the Political Parties Law of 1992. Some leftist parties are still Leninist or Marxist in their orientation, whilst others have moved away from sheer communist thoughts, some evolving into social-democratic parties. The only party that has a status in the Socialist International is the following:

The Jordanian Democratic Left Party
Leader: Hizb al-Yasar al-Dimuqrati

This party emerged in 1994 as a result of the merge of three parties: the Democratic Socialist Party, the Arab Democratic Party and the Progressive Democratic Party. The party members are a mixture of modernizers, pan-Arabists and liberal Jordanian nationalists. The party holds an observer status in the Socialist International.
The party’s main goals are to develop the Jordanian political system in a manner that complies with the basic principles stated in the National Charter, in addition to supporting the separation of the three powers. They want to safeguard the independence of national decision and secure the right of citizens. Concerning the question of Palestine, they want to back the struggle of the Palestinian people for the right to self-determination and ensure complete Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian territories. They also wish to support and safeguard Jordanian-Palestinian relations. At the Pan-Arab level the party aims to resist the projects and plans that are aimed at partitioning the Arab world. Worldly plans concern fostering relations with all progressive forces and anti-imperialist movements, and furthering forms of economic, academic, cultural and technical cooperation. The Party was formerly known as the Unionist Democratic Party, and had 1 seat in the 1997 parliament.

OTHER PARTIES

Political party life has developed since the new Political Party Law of 1992, when parties were allowed again after an impasse of 30 years. A ban leaving the Communists and the Islamists out of politics was lifted in 1991. Both parties have been strongly represented in the parliament since then. Political branches became more various than the old traditional political parties in the 1950s. Up to June 2003, there were 30 licensed parties. However, most parties still adhere to traditional Islamist, pan-Arabist, centrist and conservative orientations. Of these the most influential are:

The Islamic Action Front
Leader: Hazma Mansour

This party (IAF) was founded in 1992, at the very beginning of the renewed political party life in Jordan. It is the country’s largest party, and since 92% of the Jordan population is Sunni Muslim, it relies on a large grassroots support. The party has always had strong ties with the Muslim Brotherhood, the only political segment that was operating legally during the period of martial law. The Islamic Action Front’s principles are equal to those articulated in the Islamic law: the Sharia. Since its foundation it has always had many seats in the parliament, except for 1997, when they boycotted the elections. During the latest elections in 2003, the results were a bit disappointing, with fewer seats than before. Yet, the IAF remains the strongest opposition party in the parliament, with 18 out of 110 seats.

Arab Baath Party (Socialist/ Progressive)
Leader progressive: Fu'ad Dabbur
Leader socialist: Taysir al-Himsi

Established in 1950s, the party was strongest in Syria and Iraq. The party split into two competing branches, as it was re-formed in 1993. The Baath Party was from the beginning a secular Arab nationalist party. This ideological branch advocates pan-Arab nationalism and Arab unity. The party’s economic dogma “Unity [Arab], Freedom [from colonialism], and Socialism” are still the keywords. "Unity" refers to Arab unity, "freedom" emphasizes freedom from foreign control and interference in particular, and "socialism" refers to what has been termed Arab Socialism rather than to Marxism. The party held 1 seat in the parliament of 1997-2001.

National Constitutional Party
Leader: Abdul Hadi Majali

Founded in 1997, this centrist party aims to stress that national belonging is not restricted to any particular group, region or ethnicity. Yet they do think Jordan is an indivisible part of the Arab nation, and that the Arab unity is a firmly established reality for the protection of the nation and the guarantee for its development. In this the Islam can play a significant role, yet democracy will be their method to strive for the sovereignty of the people. The party had 2 seats in the parliament of 1997-2001.

The Arab Land Party
Leader: Hizb al-Ard al-Arabiyah

The Arab Land Party was established in 1996, and had one member in the 1997 parliament. It seeks to achieve the Arab unity by integrating Arab cultural, economic, political and ideological realities. The party adheres to the Arab nationalist tradition.

Green Party
Leader: Hizb al-Khudr

This party was founded in 2000 and it embraces a green ideology. Amongst the main principles are that the party believes Jordan Kingdom is an independent state and an integral part of the Arab world. The party believes in democracy, multi-party system, human rights, freedom of speech and expression, and condemns all forms of terrorism. The party seeks to achieve their goals through peaceful means and compliance at all time with the constitution and laws of Jordan. Furthermore, they want to pay more attention to all environmental issues. In this they advocate cooperation with all other organizations, national and international, that have the same interests.

Jordanian Progressive Party
Leader: Hizb al-Taqaddumi al-Urduni

The progressive party was founded in 1993, and emerged from a split in the Jordanian People’s Democratic Party. The ideological principles of the progressive party are to protect and defend the Jordanian homeland by protecting and advancing national independence. The party wishes to enhance the progress and completion of the mechanisms of democracy and build, develop and boost the Jordanian economy in the cultural and social fields. Concerning Palestine, they wish to foster Jordanian-Palestine relations and support the peace process. They oppose the program of economic openness in Jordan.

National Action Party
Leader: Hizb Jabhat al-'Amal al-Qawmi

This party, the Haqq, was founded in 1994, and seeks to achieve pan-Arabic unity in the form of a single Arab state. The party also strives for the liberation of Palestine.

The National Popular Democratic Movement
Leader: Sa'id Dhiyab Ali Mustafa

This party was founded in 1997, and suffered several splits until 2002, when the Jordan Arab Party was licensed. It considers Jordan to be the heart of the Arab nation, being in front line with ensuring economic and social rights of its citizens.

The Jordanian Arab Constitutional Front
Leader: Milhem Tell

Founded in 1994, the Jordanian Arab Constitutional Front wants to endorse the belief in democracy as a form of rule. On their political agenda is to tackle national problems and their complications, to improve mutual solidarity and cooperation of the Arab nations, thereby enhancing the common destiny of the region.

The Arab Islamic Democratic Front
Leader: Yusuf Abu Bakr

This party (Du’aa) was founded in 1993 and combines nationalist beliefs with Islamic beliefs. For this it calls itself a modern Islamic alternative, and includes Christian members too, yet the party has no strong support from the Muslim community.

The Islamic Center Party
Leader: Marwan al-Fauri

This party, more moderate in its ideological position than the IAF, was founded recently in 2001. It includes former members of the IAF as well as independent Islamists. The party believes in dialogue as the basis of political activity within the party and in political and ideological pluralism.

SOURCES

General
BBC Country profile
CIA World Factbook
Arab Net
UNDP

Elections
Electionworld.org
Electionguide.org
United Nations DP
MEDEA

Politics
National Democratic Institute (NDI)
Arab Decision
Freedom House
EU External Relations
King Hussein
BBC Profile King Adullah
National Charter 1990
Dealing with Jihadi Islamism (ICG)

Media
Jordan Times
Aljazeera

Women and political participation
Civil Society and Governance
Women’s rights in the Arab world

Human rights
Human Rights Watch
The National Centre for Human Rights

Literature
~ Boers, Carlein. ‘Democratization in the Middle East: The case of Jordan.’ University of Amsterdam (2005)
~ Hinnebusch, Raymond. ‘Globalization, State Formation and Generational Change: Foreing policy in Syria and Jordan.’ Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, No. 19 (2003)
~ Jolen, Judith. ‘The Quest for Legitimacy: The role of Islam in the state’s political discourse in Egypt and Jordan, 1979-1996’. K.U.N (2003)
~ Meijer, Roel. ‘Jordanië : Mensen, politiek, economie en cultuur’. Landenreeks, Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam/ Novib (1997)
~ Salibi, Kamal. ‘The Modern History of Jordan.’ I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd (1993)
~ Shami, Taminian, Morsy et al. ‘Women in Arab Society: Work patterns and gender relations in Egypt, Jordan and Sudan.’ UNESCO (1990)
~ Sweiss, Shtweiwi, al-Attiyat. ‘Building Democracy in Jordan: Women’s political participation, political party life and democratic elections.’ IDEA and ANND (2005)