Moldova Update

25 February 2008

INTRODUCTION

After the accession of Romania to the European Union, Moldova has become on of the new neighbours of the EU. By being a small, economically dependent country and sandwiched between Romania in the West and Ukraine in the East, Moldova should necessarily have relationships with both the West and East. The relationship with the East, Ukraine and Russia, is predominantly shaped by the ongoing and persistent dispute over the region of Transdniester. This conflict started in the early 1990’s and so far, despite the international diplomatic interference, no solution has been found. The relations with the West is determined by the great influence of Romania on Moldovan politics, culture and society.

Besides its difficult geo-political position, Moldova has some serious internal problems to deal with too. Poverty, the agricultural dominated economy and the problems with democracy are some of the problems that Moldova faces. Taken this all together, Moldova has, despite its ambitions, still a long way to go before closer ties with the European Union can be achieved.

ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL SITUATION

Electoral system
Moldova is a republic that elects directly the legislature, the Parliament and indirectly the head of state, the President. The Parliament (“Parlamentul”) has 101 members, elected for a four-year term by proportional representation. To enter Parliament, the independent candidates must obtain 3% of the total number of the votes, the parties 6%, the electoral blocs (consisting of two parties) at least 9%, and the electoral blocs consisting of more than two Parties 12%. According to the electoral law, the “lost votes” of the parties that did not pass the threshold are distributed proportionally among those who did.

The President (head of state) is elected by the parliament. This is so since 2000, when the parliament voted to change the Constitution to strengthen the parliamentary republic. Three fifths of the MPs, or 61 deputies must elect a President not later than 45 after the first session. Otherwise, the Parliament dissolves itself and calls upon for early elections.

Parliamentary elections March 2005
The last parliamentary elections were held on 6 March 2005. These were the fourth elections since independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. The turnout was 63,7%.

The biggest faction in the legislature remains the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), with 56 seats in the 101-seats Parliament. This majority gives the Communists a majority of seats and so the possibility to form a government on their own. However, they will not be able to elect the President. The Head of State must be elected by at least 61 MPs. In the previous period, the Communists had 71 MPs.

The oppositional Bloc Moldova Democratic (BMD), as well as the Christian Democratic People’s Party (PPDC) also managed to enter Parliament, with respectively 34 and 11 seats.

The most considerable number of votes that failed to pass the electoral threshold, are the “Patria-Rodina” electoral bloc (4.97% of the votes), the Social Democratic Party of Moldova (2.92%), the Republican Public Political Movement “Ravnopravie” (2.83%).

PARTY	PERCENTAGE	SEATS
Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM)	45.98%	56
Bloc Moldova Democratic BDM	28.53%	34
Christian Democratic People’s Party (PPCD)	9.07%	11
Patria-Rodina	4.97%	-
Social Democratic Party of Moldova (PSDM)	2.92%	-
Ravnopravie	2.83%	-

The OSCE had a fairly positive judgement on these elections and concluded that the elections “were conducted in accordance with the OSCE commitments for democratic elections enshrined in the 1990 Copenhagen Document and in the framework of the obligations of Moldova as a member State of the Council of Europe.” The next parliamentary elections are scheduled for 2009.

The popular trust in political parties is low. Only 18% of the respondents of a recent poll (2007) trust the political parties (minimally) to some extent. The church continues to have the highest level of trust: 41%.

Presidential election
The incumbent President and head of state, Communist Vladimir Voronin, is in office since 2001. Voronin is dedicated to reduce Moldova’s chronic poverty and was considered as pro-Russian until 2003. After 2003, Voronin choose to focus more on Euro-Atlantic integration. In the dispute over the breakaway region of Transdniester, Voronin has backed a federalisation plan that was proposed by Russia.

After the elections of March 2006, Moldova’s ruling Communist Part (PCRM) failed to win the necessary numbers of seats to re-elect the President directly. However, President Voronin was re-elected with support from the Christian Democratic People's Party and from the Democratic and Social Liberal factions, after Voronin promised to deliver on needed reforms and Euro-Atlantic integration for the country.

Local elections 2007
On 3 and 17 June 2007, local elections were held in Moldova. Compared to the outcomes of the last local elections in 2003, the Communist Party PCRM lost a reasonable percentage (at least 10% of the seats in all three elections) of its seats, as well as the “Our Moldova” alliance. Of the major forces in Moldovan politics, the Democratic Party of Moldova (DPM) is the only party that succeeded in gaining electoral strength at the local level.

PARTY	% VOTES ELECTIONS FOR MAYOR	% VOTES ELECTIONS FOR RAION AND MUNICIPAL COUNCILS	% VOTES ELECTIONS FOR LOCAL COUNCILS
Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova	30,05%	33,19%	34,97%
Social Liberal Alliance "Our Moldova"	15,77%	17,39%	16,7%
Democratic Party of Moldova	10,47%	10,86%	9,7%
Christian Democratic People's Party	6,86%	8,2%	8,45%
The Party of Social Democracy	4,28%	4,65%	4,76%
The Social Democratic Party of Moldova	3,2%	3,44%	3,81%

The most important mayor-elections, the one of Moldova’s capitol Chisinau, was surprisingly won by a candidate of the Liberal Party, Chirtoaca Dorin. He won in the second round the runoff against the candidate of the Communist Party by 61% against 39% of the votes.

The turnout was 52,34% nationwide, which is around 10% lower than the turnout for the parliamentary elections 2005.

The OSCE Observer-mission consisted of 200 international observers. The head of the Council of Europe team, Susan Bolam, stated that the high number of candidates and the relatively high turnout (36%) indicated that local politics is fairly trusted by Moldovan voters. However, they pointed out that the lack of equal media coverage of the different political parties could harms the fairness of the elections. Furthermore, some administrative irregularities had taken place.

IMPORTANT POLITICAL ISSUES

Transdniester conflict
The most prominent and urgent domestic issue is the conflict over the separatist pro-Russian Transdniester region. The region is situated in the East of Moldova, between the Nistru river and Ukraine. Unlike the Gagauz community, who settled the problem in 1994 by accepting an autonomous status, no solution has been found for this conflict so far. After a cease-fire in 1992, Russian troops, who supported the breakaway republic, started to withdraw. However, as of 2006 Russian troops are still stationed there and are not planning to leave. The Russians claim that they are peacekeepers or forces guarding the Russian arsenal in the region.

The three mediators in the conflict – Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE – worked out a plan for federalisation in January 2004. Parties on both sides criticised the plan. On the one hand it is seen as a minor variation to the earlier rejected "Kozak Memorandum" proposed by Russia, which does not recognizes the “anti-constitutional rebellion”, the role of the “mafia” and “Russia’s geopolitical objectives”. The separatists on the other hand, underline that the new plan does not grant Transdniester the status of a state entity, since it makes no mention of separate state symbols for Transdniester or of the status of the Russian language. Moldova sees an important role for peace-keepers of the OSCE in the region, while the separatists only want Russian forces. The Transdniester republic is governed by traditional hard-line communists under the leadership of Igor Smirnov. The Transdniester authorities are not recognised by any state and are subject to sanctions such as travel bans.

A political declaration of the OSCE calling, a.o. for the withdrawal of the Russian troops from Moldova, was proposed at the OSCE yearly summit in Bulgaria in December 2004. However, it was vetoed by Russia.

The EU decided to play a more active role in the settlement of the conflict. It will have a permanent representation in Moldova. The Special Representative of the EU in Moldova will operate under security coordinator Javier Solana. He was appointed soon after the 6 March elections of 2005. The Dutch former diplomat Adriaan Jacobovits will be the first one to fulfil this post.

On 30 of November 2003 about 50.000 people demonstrated in the streets of Chisinau, calling for a European solution to the countries problems instead of Russian involvement. The European Union has a high stake in the conflict since Transdniester is a haven for corruption, smuggling and arms trade. According to the International Action Network on Small Arms, terrorist groups like al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah and al-Fatah buy weapons in Transdniester - which is denied by the Transdniester authorities and proof is lacking.

On 17 September 2006, the Transdniester authorities organised a referendum on the issue of independence for the region. The question was whether the region should follow a path towards independence and possible integration with Russia, or abandon its quest for independence and integrate with Moldova. According to Pyotr Denisenko, the head of Transdniester's Central Election Commission, 97.1 percent of the Transdniester voters voted in favour of independence, with an additional 95 percent saying no to reunification with Moldova. Moldova and Western countries have said not to recognise the referendum and have called for renewed negotiations with Moldova.

Poverty
Official figures show that Moldova recorded a GDP growth of 4,6% (est.) in 2006. However, the economic growth does not contribute to improvement of living standards. Moldova continues to be the poorest country in Europe, ranked between Mongolia and Honduras on the Human Development Index 2006 of the United Nations. According to the CIA World Fact Book an estimated 29,5% (2005 est.) of the population lives below the poverty line.

The economy depends heavily on agriculture (fruits, vegetables, wine, and tobacco). Moldova must import all of its supplies of oil, coal, and natural gas, largely from Russia. Energy shortages contributed to sharp production declines after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Moldova is highly dependent on loans from the international institutions like the IMF and the World Bank and fails to meet payments in foreign debt. Most of the economic growth of Moldova is based on consumption fuelled by remittances received from Moldavians working abroad.

The poverty leads to illegal practices such as women trafficking and human organ trade. In addition, many Moldavians emigrate to search for a better future elsewhere or try to obtain Romanian or Russian citizenship. It is estimated one million Moldavians - or half of the country’s workforce and potential voters – has left Moldova over the years.

Politicians often point at the failure to solve the Transdniester conflict as the main source for economic backwardness. However, according to a research of Gottfried Hanne, political officer of the OSCE mission in Moldova, this can be mainly attributed to governmental policy and lack of reforms. Also the widespread corruption contributes to an unattractive business investment environment.

Political and media freedom
The influential NGO “Freedom House” and the Council of Europe noticed a worsening of the political climate since the communists came to power. In February 2002 a coalition of 30 Moldavian NGO’s blamed the communists for “using the public media as a Communist propaganda machine, violating political pluralism, neglecting decisions by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) that concern Moldova, and marginalizing the Romanian language in favour of Russian.”

The demonstrations organised by the Christian democrats that endured from the 9 January to the 29 April 2002 were ended only after involvement of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which called for strengthening of the legal protection of the parliamentary opposition, more freedom of press, and an end to the process of Russification. The government saw the intervention of PACE as a defeat and opposed the implementations of the recommendations.

In their 2006 report on Moldova, Freedom House scores Moldova 3 out of 5 on political rights and 4 out of 5 on Civil Liberties. Freedom House concludes that Moldova is only partly free on these issues. With respect to the media-freedom, Freedom House concludes that Moldova is not free. In the capitol Chisinau, a reasonable number of different newspapers can be found. However, in the rural areas this number is much lower. This is marked as highly problematic by Freedom House and is seen as the most worrying developments for the press-freedom in the country.

The OSCE Mission Head in Moldova, Louis O’Neill, has expressed his concerns about the lack of free media in Moldova. In a statement he said: “I urge the Moldovan authorities to exercise restraint in the future. It is vital to ensure that journalists can report freely and that citizens enjoy their right to free expression. (…).” Besides his concerns about the lack of media freedom in Moldova, O’Neill also emphasised the importance of ensuring equal conditions for political parties in Moldova to handle their electoral campaign in the run-up to the local elections of 2007. In his opinion, to often opposition parties had many difficulties in ensuring their “playing field” during the electoral campaign.

Foreign relations- Russia
The relations with Russia have been dominated by the involvement in the Transdniester conflict and by Moldova’s economic, cultural and political dependence on Russia. In an interview President Vladimir Voronin said Russia will retain a key role in the settlement of the Transdniester conflict. He said that thanks to Russia’s assistance, Chisinau and Tiraspol were "very close to a [final] settlement of the conflict" in November 2003. He described Russian-Moldavian relations as "unshakable" and said anyone who attempts to undermine them is doomed to fail. He also said Moldova’s efforts to achieve European integration will not come at Russia’s expense or disadvantage. From the Russian side no serious attempts to withdraw the troops have been made and involvement in the Transdniester conflict will endure. Russian involvement is a source for heated discussions and demonstrations of oppositional groups and nationalists.

Russian influence is large as can be read from a recent a critical statement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Russia’s plan to have 17 polling stations in Moldova for Russian citizens participating in the country’s 14 March 2004 Russian presidential elections, without consulting the Moldavian government.

Besides close historical ties with Russia, the ruling party PCRM has more and more the objective to focus on European integration rather than on closer ties with Russia. This “flirt” with the West has damaged the Russian – Moldovan relationship seriously. In January 2006, Russia decided to temporarily ban all the wine and meat coming from Moldova. On a yearly basis, approximately €250 million is brought into Moldova through this type of exchange. In November 2006, Russia lifted the restrictions. Officially, Russia banned the wine and meat due to a lack of quality of the products. Analysts say, however, that it is another attempt by Moscow to punish former Soviet states for severing ties with Russia.

Foreign relations- Romania
Romania plays an important role in the history of Moldova and also culturally both countries have commonalities. The Moldavian language is virtually the same as the Romanian language. Bessarabia, the land between the Prut and Nistru rivers, is predominantly ethnic Romanian in population and constitutes the eastern half of a region historically known as Moldova. Until 1940 the region was ruled by Romania, after which it became part of the Soviet Union.

Relations between Romania and Moldova while generally very good, are not free of troubles. Especially since the communists came to power in 2001 the relation between Moldova and Romania worsened considerably. The communist authorities underlining the Russian connection have raised fears in Bucharest for the return of a soviet approach to the identity of Bessarabian Romanians.

The Moldavan government pursued a policy of small steps, opening a Moldavian-Romanian trade centre, discussing trilateral co-operation between Romania, Ukraine and Moldova and planning revival of the Euro-regions of the Lower Danube and the Upper Prut. However, after accession of Romania to the EU, Moldavians will need visa to enter Romania, which might further harm the relationship.

Foreign relations- EU
The Moldavan government sees good relations with the EU as a priority strategic long-term objective. Moldova is a member of the Council of Europe since 1995. The European option is seen as a means for the maintenance and consolidation of independence and assurance of stability and security of the country and its citizens. Also it is expected that co-operation with the EU will help to raise the standard of living.

Moldova established relationships with the European Union in 1992, when it was included in the program of assistance provided to the newly independent states. The present relationships between the Republic of Moldova and European Union consists of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), signed in 1994.

In 2005, the European Union send a special representative to Moldova in order to find a solution in the Transdniester conflict. Furthermore, the Delegation of the European Commission opened an office in Chisinau. In December 2005, Moldova welcomed the EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) to fight smuggling, strengthen the customs procedures and facilitate cross-border cooperation between at the Ukrainian-Moldovan border.

In accordance with the Action Plan with the EU, Moldova is on the path of harmonising its laws with the laws of the European Union. Enlargement Commissioner Gunter Verheugen said that Moldova could become a "pioneer" in implementing the Action Plan for the "New Neighbours," which neither offers nor rules out eventual EU membership.

Foreign relations - US
Moldova sent 24 Moldavian peacekeepers to Iraq at the request of the United States. The Moldavian battalion is serving in humanitarian operations. Concerning the Transdniester conflict the U.S. expressed its worries about the dominant role of the Russians. The leader of Transdniester, Igor Smirnov, in return condemned the depicting of Transdniesters as terrorists.

Foreign relations – GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development
In 1998, Moldova was one of the founding countries of GUAM, the regional cooperation agreement between Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova. The regional cooperation consists of information exchange, trade and transportation, border control and energy projects. Most important, GUAM initially included an agreement on mutual defence. However, Moldova ever since declared its disinterest in the construction of a mutual defence system. In 2006, the organisation has changed its name in GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development.

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTIES

Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) www.pdm.md
President: Dumitru Diacov (PDM)
first vice president: Oleg Serebrian (former PSL)
Parliament: 11 MPs
Affiliations: observer status Socialist International

On 10 February, the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) and the Social Liberal Party (PSL) officially merged under the slogan “We Come to Build.” The opposition parties formed a new democratic party through the disbandment of the PSL, which was then absorbed into the PDM. The renewed PDM will continue under its old name, and pledges “for the affirmation of the Republic of Moldova as an independent, unitary and democratic state, based on the rule of law and integrated in the united family of European democracies.” The PDM supports the integration of Moldova in the EU and NATO, and will keep a social democratic orientation.

The PDM, which existed under its current name since April 2000, has since then been a growing oppositional party with clear social democratic orientation and international activity. In the March 2005 elections, the party participated in the Democratic Moldova Block (BMD). The BMD received 34 mandates from which 8 were accorded to the PDM through international agreements. The PDM subsequently registered as an autonomous faction during the founding session of the new parliament. Since then, the party gradually gained influence. The PDM supported the presidential candidacy of Vladimir Voronin (PCRM), which he needed to win the elections, on the condition that the ruling party would carry out reforms in the electoral system of Moldova. However, relations with the Communist Party cooled due to a lack of progress as to the promised reforms.

The PSL was created in 2001 by representatives of the intelligentsia, students, and civil society organisations. It aimed to present an alternative to the Communist government, but also to the failed democratic forces, with which the public had gotten disappointed. In the March 2005 elections, the party participated in the Democratic Moldova Block (BMD), and received 3 mandates. In the first weeks of the activity of the new parliament, the SLD left the block and the three MPs, including party leader Oleg Serebrian, registered as independent MPs, as at least five MPs are needed to form a faction in the Moldovan parliament.

Prior to merging, the PSL was a member of the Liberal International, whereas the PDM had strong relations with the European Social Democratic parties and holds an observer status in the Socialist International. The renewed PSL will remain the contacts with the Social Democratic parties, and declared on the 10 February party congress that it “reaffirms its affiliation to the principles and the values of the Socialist International.”

The two parties merged hold 11 MPs and 13% of the parliamentary votes.

Social Democratic Party of Moldova (PSDM) www.psdm.md
Parliament - no seats
Chairman of the party: Dumitru Braghis
Secretary: Eduard Musuc
International affiliation: Observer status in Socialist International (SI)

The Social Democratic Party of Moldova is a merger of the Party of Social Democracy (PSD), led by former Moldovan prime minister Dumitru Braghis, and the Social Democratic Party of Moldova (PSDM), led by businessman Eduard Musuc. On 22 December 2007, the two parties officially united. The unification congress delegates elected Dumitry Braghis as chairman of the new organization. Eduard Musuc was elected secretary.

The two parties had already announced their intention to merge in June 2007, after the last national elections, at which the parties combined had polled nearly 7% of the votes, but individually failed to pass the threshold. Initially, the Centrist Union of Moldova (CUM) was supposed to merge with the parties as well. In many local councils, the three parties even formed factions, as a first step in the process after which an official unification on the level of the parties’ central leaderships was to take place. However, eventually the CUM officially quitted the negotiations in a belief that the unification was designed solely to bring former Moldovan president Petru Lucinschi back to active politics. This caused a rift in the CUM, as several local CUM organizations choose to stay in the merger process and join the newly emerging Social Democratic united force.

The former PSDM was founded in 1991, and is one of the oldest parties in post-Soviet Moldova. It has, however, always been small and was never represented in parliament, although it did gain representation in a limited number of municipalities. The party was known as a very European oriented party, and has received the observer status in the SI. It furthermore has extensive contacts with different parties and foundations within EU member states. The tone of the party has changed, however, after the election of Ion Musuc as its leader. Most noticeably, the party regularly voices fierce anti-communist rhetoric.

The Party of Social Democracy (PSD) was founded in 2006 by Dumitru Braghis, former member of the Moldovan parliament for the liberal democratic party “Our Moldova”. The party won representation in several local constituencies.

OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES

Party of Communists of Republic of Moldova (PCRM) www.pcrm.md
Parliament – 56 MPs (out of 101 in total)
Leader: Vladimir Voronin (also president of the country)
Chair of parliamentary group: Vladimir Stepaniuc
International affiliation: contacts with Party of European Left

Until 2003 the PCRM had extensive relations with Russia. The party won the 2001 elections with absolute majority, having one of its electoral promised to join the Russia-Belarus Union. Its leader Vladimir Voronin became the president of Moldova. The relations with Russia were on administrative level between presidents Voronin and Putin, but also on party level with the Russian Communist Party of Gennadii Zyuganov.

After the “Kozak plan” for federalisation and solving the Transdniester conflict failed in 2003, it surprisingly came to the break of the good relations between the Voronin and Putin administrations. The plan itself was proposed by Russia, written by Dmitri Kozak, deputy head of Putin’s administration. The document was to be signed in November 2003 by the Moldovan President and the chief of Transdniesterian administration in the presence of Vladimir Putin. However, shortly before President Putin's arrival to Chisinau, his Moldovan counterpart changed his mind and decided to "adjourn" the document signing on the grounds that "the document was developed behind Europe's back, which we intend to join". Well-informed sources in Moldova say that the document was secretly changed, unfavourably for Moldova, in the last moment by the Russian administrators in the hope that the Moldovan side would not notice it. When Putin was on his way to Chisinau, he heard that he was not welcome in Moldova anymore. In the longer term, this lead to worsening of the bilateral relations, examples of which are the economic sanctions and energy cuts imposed on Moldova in 2005. Voronin also stopped attending the meetings of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), saying they only serve Russian interests.

Since 2003, Voronin speaks very favourably to EU integration. In the first instance this was met with certain mistrust by Europe. This is also very logical, because Voronin did not take any steps to reform either his party or his country. It seems that the international profile was never a priority of the PCRM but after the elections of 2005, when it stated its pro-European orientation, it gradually became a necessity.

The PCRM retained its position of biggest party after the parliamentary elections of March 2005. During the electoral campaign, the party (and mostly its leader) succeeded in convincing the international community that the PCRM was a reliable pro-Western and pro-European partner. In the pre-elections month, Voronin arranged symbolic and well reported meetings with his Ukrainian and Georgian counter partners – who of course are famous with their Orange and Rose revolutions. The message of Voronin was clear: there is no need of revolution in Moldova, as the Communist Party and government are already democratic and friends with the European democrats. During the elections, Voronin invited a record number of international observers. At the same time, the Moldovan authorities expelled Russian observers on the grounds that they were spying on the Communist party and supporting some opposition parties.

After the break with Russia, the pro-European contacts became necessity for the PCRM. Of course, even before this time, there were political relations within the Parliamentary Co-operation Committee of the European Parliament and the Moldovan Parliament, as well as within the Council of Europe. In the Parliamentary Assembly (PACE), the PCRM is in the group of the Unified European Left. PCRM leader Voronin has established relatively good contacts within Europe and the neighbouring countries. The bilateral relations with Ukraine and Romania are better now, and the cooperation with Europe has intensified.

Our Moldova Alliance (MNA) – local name Moldova Noastra Alianta
Leader: Serafim Urechean (also of the parliamentary faction)
Parliament: 16 MPs
International affiliation (no)

The MNA was established as a political party in July 2003. The original leaders and party structures of the three composing parties are, for a great extent, still preserved. It consists of the Social Democratic Alliance of Moldova (SDAM) lead by Dumitru Braghis, the Liberal Party (LP) lead by Veaceslav Untila and the Independents’ Alliance of Moldova (IAM) of Serafim Urechean. Until the congress in June 2005, when Urechean was elected as leader, it was lead by a “troika” – Urechean, Untila and Braghis. During this congress, the party defined itself as right-centrist.

As for parliamentary representation, the MNA now has 16 MPs. It ran for the parliament together with the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) and the Social Liberal Party in the Bloc Democratic Moldova (BDM). The bloc formally stopped existing shortly after the elections, because the DPM and the SLP left.

Recently, the MNA itself has been undergoing a process of fragmentation. In October 2005, seven MPs, members originating of the SDAM of former PM Dumitru Braghis, registered their own parliamentary factions. This is why only 16 MPs represent what is left of the Our Moldova Alliance.
Next to Urechean (IAM), Untila (LP) is also a very important leader within the ANM. The bloc that was previously was classified as social-liberal, now names itself centre-right, but observers point to its liberal and nationalistic character as well.

A short description of the three founding parties of the MNA:

- The Liberal Party is a right-wing neo-liberal party headed by Veaceslav Untila. It was created in 2002 as a result of a conglomeration of different right-wing, nationalist, and conservative parties. Prominent members of it were Marcia Snegur, first President of the Republic of Moldova and Valeriu Muravschi, former Prime Minister. It had a very pro-European orientation and used to have contacts with liberal parties across Europe. It formally stopped existing when it co-founded the MNA in 2003. However, it represents an important power and influence wing within the MNA.

- The Independent’s Alliance of Moldova (IAM) has its roots in local government. It began in 2001 at a meeting of the National Mayors’ League, which soon after registered the IAM. The mayor of the capital Chisinau, Serafim Urechean, became its leader. During its short existence, until 2003 when it joined the MNA, it also adopted a pro-European declaration but came short of developing a clear ideological basis.

- Social Democratic Alliance of Moldova (SDAM) The SDAM formally existed in the period December 2001 to July 2003, when it co-founded the MNA. But the SDAM itself was formed by different small parties with social democratic orientation. The most important of it was the Braghis Alliance, named after the former PM Dumitru Braghis. This alliance had 19 parliamentary seats in the period 2001-05 In October 2005, 30 members of the political council of the MNA, close to Braghis, left the bloc MNA. This way, the MNA split, however SDAM still remains co-member of the MNA. Also seven MPs around Braghis left the MNA faction in November 2005 and stated they would create their own party. The name of the party is not clear yet, but most probably Braghis will head the party. Braghis has a good international and European reputation. In 2000, when he was prime minister, the country intensified its relations with the EU. He speaks good English and is often invited to different conferences abroad.

People’s Christian Democratic Party (CDPP) www.cdpp.md
Parliament: 11 MPs
Leader: Iurie Rosca
Leader of parliamentary faction: Vlad Cubriacov

International Affiliations: full member of Christian Democratic International (CDI) and observer member of the European People’s Party (EPP); youth organisation is a member of Youth European People’s Party.

Created in May 1989, the CDPP fought against Communism and for the fall of the USSR. Since then, this party remained an influential player in Moldovan politics. It was an oppositional party in the 2001-05 parliament. It gained 11 seats in parliament in March 2005. Its leader Iurie Rosca became deputy speaker of Parliament. This was a major change of the course of the development of the CDPP, which for 15 years was ardently anti-Communist.

Since its creation and until the middle of the 90’s, the CDPP was openly proposing the accession of Moldova in Romania. It had excellent relations with all post-Communist governments of Romania. Until around the year 2000, it managed a Romania-sponsored fund, which was used for party financing but also for scholarships for young party members to study in Romania. In 2002, Rosca organised the major popular protests against a new law of the Communist administration, which would make the Russian language second official one and thus also obligatory in school. Some observers point out that the Russian-speaking population of Moldova, and the whole Transdniesterian population, is very afraid of Rosca.

Nowadays, the CDPP leader has abandoned his unionist ideas to join Romania, however he is still very fierce against the Russian troops in Transdniester and is anti-Russian as a whole.
The CDPP has very good international contacts: it is accepted in the international and European Christian democratic / conservative political family. During the 2005 electoral campaign, Rosca used his good international image very skilfully – he appeared on big posters, or wrote letter with, among others, the Georgian president Mikhail Saakashvili, and Wilfred Martens, president of the European People’s Party. The CDPP is a major propagator of the Euro-Atlantic integration of Moldova.

Patria-Rodina (electoral bloc) www.patria-rodina.md
Leader: Boris Muravschii
Parliament: no seats, 4,97% at elections
International Affiliation: no

While the Communist Party is not pro-Russian anymore, some of the hardcore pro-Russian electorate voted for Patria-Rodina (Motherland) and Ravnopravie (Justice) in the last parliamentary election. Patria-Rodina was created by the Socialist Party of Moldova and the Party of Socialists of Moldova, as well as the Young Komsomol of Moldova.
Patria-Rodina did not manage to pass the high treshold to enter parliament, but nevertheless received the remarkable 4,95%. In the Russian-speaking autonomous region Gagauzija it even received more than 50%. It propagates that the future of Moldova does not lie in the West, but in the East. It aims to cooperate more with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The final goal is full integration with the Russian Federation. It remains to be seen whether Patria-Rodina (or its founding parties) will receive growing support in the coming years.

Party of Ecology of Moldova “Green Alliance” (PEM-AVE)
Parliament: no MPs
Leader: Ion Dediu
www.pemave.md
Affiliation: European Green Party (observer)

This party, created in 1992, has participated in all elections in Moldova but has never succeeded to gain seats in parliament or representation in local government. However, it has a clear green ideology, on the example of many other Green European parties. It is an observer member of the European Green Party.

SOURCES