Bosnia Herzegovina

Last update: 1 month ago

Since the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) was signed in 1995, nationalistic parties have dominated the political scene in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The local elections held in 2016 and the general elections of 2018 show these tendencies. The outcomes of these elections show no real shift, especially as there is a tendency to vote along ethnic lines and for nationalistic parties. The situation in the country is not very stable. However, Serbs and Croats are working together towards further federalisation of the country. The third and largest ethnic group, the Bosniaks, heavily oppose this initiative. 

With regards to the EU integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina is lagging behind other countries in the Western Balkans, because it is unable to implement the requested reforms. Under the current constitution, established in the DPA, the decision-making process follows ethnic lines. This causes a complex system of national and entity-level decision making, making it very hard to find consensus needed to work on further EU integration. Citizens went to vote in 2018 for the general elections to decide whether their country will move towards the European Union membership and NATO integration or whether the society will continue to live along the lines of ethnic fragmentation. 

Although the Social Democratic Party (SDP) has increased their support on a national level from 9.5 to 13,9%, the balance between nationalist versus citizens’ parties has not shifted. Consequently, nationalist parties have formed the ruling majorities. After a 14-month long impasse, a government was finally installed in December of 2019. Since the 2019 elections, Croatia has been negotiating with the EU and NATO to force Bosnia to reform its electoral process and its constitution to ensure equality among the three components. The 2020 local elections proved a break with the trend of voting solely along ethnic lines, with the opposition parties dealing a strong blow to the governing right-wing ethnic parties. 

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Map of Bosnia Herzegovina

Short facts

Population:
3,301,000 (World Bank 2019 est.)
Governmental Type:
Parliamentary republic
Last Elections:
2020 (local elections)
Next Elections:
2022(general elections)
Sister Parties:
Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP BiH)
Image of Fadil Novalić  (Source: https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/bih/novalic-sljedeci-mjesec-sve-penzije-ce-biti-povecane-za-2-5-do-3-5-posto-osim-onih-najvecih/180409104)

Fadil Novalić

Prime Minister

Read biography

Political Situation

The Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) signed in 1995 to end the war in BiH, determined the Bosnian constitution. As a result, the political system is complex and inefficient. The country is composed of two political entities, Republika Srpska (49 per cent of the territory) and the Bosniak-Croat Federation (51 per cent of the territory). The Federation is divided into ten cantonal units. A 2013 census revealed that with approximately 50%, the Bosniaks make up the largest ethnic group. Serbs make up about 31% of the country’s population, with the Croats around 15%. The country’s institutions, which are there to support the stability of the country, are constructed taking into consideration these ethnic divides. 

As such, BiH is a highly decentralised state with a mixture of a parliamentary and presidential political system. Each political unit has its own governing body, accumulating  700 elected state officials and more than 140 ministers. The consequence is that, , the state system measures approximately 60% of the state budget. The EU High Representative, Austrian diplomat Valentin Inzko, is working with the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, reports to the UN on the situation in the country and is the highest authority within BiH. In the following, the Federation of BiH will be referred to as F BiH and the Republic Srpska will be referred to as RS.

Deadlock after October 2018 elections
In October 2018 general elections were held. After the October 7 elections, Milorad Dodik, leader of the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, SNSD, and Dragan Covic, the head of Bosnia’s Croatian Democratic Union, HDZ, confirmed a coalition agreement. Both parties want to work together to form governments on all levels in Bosnia, from cantonal to state level. According to Covic, the results of the elections showed that governments could not be formed without these parties. 

The current presidential trio consists of Dodik, President of Republika Srpska (RS) and head of its governing SNSD, Sefik Dzaferovic, from the main Bosniak party, the SDA, and Zeljko Komsic, from the Democratic Front. Even though Covic lost the Croat seat on the presidency against Komsic, Covic’s party HDZ gained enough support to remain one of the key political parties in Bosnia. Despite anti-government protests in Republika Srpska, the main Serb nationalistic SNSD party of pro-Russian Milorad Dodik kept a stronghold on power.

 

Bosniak member 

 

 

 

Šefik Džaferović

Party for Democratic Action

212,581

36.61

 

Denis Bećirović

Social Democratic Party 

194,688

33.53

 

Fahrudin Radončić

Union for a Better Future of BiH

75,210

12.95

 

Mirsad Hadžikadić

Mirsad Hadžikadić - Platform for Progress

58,555

10.09

 

Senad Šepić

Independent Bloc

29,922

5.15

 

Amer Jerlagić

Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina 

9,655

1.66

Croat member

 

Željko Komšić

Democratic Front

225,500

52.64

 

Dragan Čović

Croatian Democratic Union

154,819

36.14

 

Diana Zelenika

Croatian Democratic Union 1990

25,890

6.04

 

Boriša Falatar

Our Party

16,036

3.74

 

Jerko Ivanković-Lijanović

People's Party for Work and Betterment

6,099

1.42

Serb member

 

Milorad Dodik

Alliance of Independent Social Democrats

368,210

53.88

 

Mladen Ivanić

Alliance for Victory

292,065

42.74

 

Mirjana Popović

Advanced Serb Party

12,731

1.86

 

Gojko Kličković

First Serb Democratic Party

10,355

1.52

Invalid/blank votes

120,259

Total

1,812,575

100

Registered voters/turnout

3,355,429

54.02

 

The political parties tried to form a government, leaving the country without a government for over a year. On August 5, the party leaders agreed on a range of issues which had complicated the formation of the government. Still disagreements over the submission of Bosnia's Annual National Programme- a precondition for Bosnia's Membership Action plan for NATO- thwarted the establishment of a government. The Bosnian and Croat parties support the plan and NATO membership, but the Bosnian Serb representatives do not. 

Once the disagreement about the Bosnian Membership Action Plan was resolved, a council of ministers was finally appointed in December of 2019. There had been much disagreement about what parties would receive what ministerial posts. The government was well welcomed, as the country had been without a government for over 14 months.  Zoran Tegeltija was appointed as chairman of the Council of Ministers and put forward nine ministers, coming from Bosnia’s three largest right-wing ethnic parties. Many blamed Bosnia's elaborate and many-layered government for the long-lasting dysfunction.

2014 protests see no change in following elections
In 2014 the popular appetite for social change manifested itself in a mass protest in the Federation. The trigger for them was the closure of privatised companies and, consequently, the loss of many jobs. The spontaneous worker’s protest reflected widespread discontent with politics, political corruption and the economic situation. In the aftermath of these demonstrations, people on the streets started organising themselves in so-called Plenums (open parliaments of citizens), which, to a certain extent, proved to be a new democratic instrument. This bottom-up platform for change succeeded, among other things, in forcing the government of the Tuzla canton to resign. Independent experts with no political affiliation set up a new local government in consultation with the Tuzla Plenum. The Plenums, however, lacked the political vehicle to achieve sustainable change.

In October 2014, citizens, again, voted along ethnic lines. The Bosniak majority in the Federation voted for the conservative Bosniak Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Serbs in RS voted for nationalist Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) of Milorad Dodik and Croats for the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the party that objected the Croat member of the BiH rotating presidency because he was not a ‘real’ Croat candidate, meaning not from their ranks. The multi-ethnic Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Democratic Front (DF, a SDP split off) obtained respectively 10 and 13 per cent of the votes and ended up in opposition.

In June 2015, a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) between the EU and BiH entered into force. The next month parliament adopted a Reform Agenda on socio-economic advancement as well as the advancement on the area of the judiciary, but the leaders of the RS refused to sign it. In 2016,  political elites in the country finally managed to agree upon a reforms agenda that will lead to concrete steps in the EU integration process and applied officially for EU membership in February 2016. However, further progress has remained difficult as the local elections results in 2016 showed a continuation of the dominance of nationalist parties and nationalist tendencies within BiH. This complicated decision making when it comes to Bosnia’s commitment to reforms needed for EU membership. 

Political division
Due to the political division within the country, the recent formation of the state-level government was not just another distribution of seats among the political elite. The officials in Republika Srpska continue to undermine the power of state institutions, Bosnian Croats continue to work towards a third Croatian entity and Bosniaks remain divided internally. Adding to this the sense that the EU — the Office of High Representative (OHR) still has the supreme governing authority — and the international community have no real strategy for BiH, it is questionable if important steps forwards will be taken in the near future.

Furthermore, Dodik’s ruling Serb SNSD is supporting the ruling Croatian HDZ in their demand for a Croatian entity, while the ruling Bosniak SDA sees this dynamic as a proof that Croats and Serbs want to divide BiH, something they say will, and cannot, happen peacefully. It is this dynamic that puts all issues in an ethnic jacket of which the ethnic parties profit. Even if citizens know the party of their choice is corrupt and will bring no change to their socio-economic position, they tend to vote because of the ethnic profile of the party.

The presumption by the international community that the continuous reduction of international supervision and the magnetic attraction of EU integration would convince Bosnia’s political leaders to pursue the rigorous reforms necessary for EU accession has proven to be illusory. If anything, the opposite has been the case. Negotiations to amend the existing constitution, established by Dayton, to strengthen state institutions and transform the country into a non-ethnic parliamentary democracy, have so far failed to make much progress.

Presence of the international community
The presence of the international community is coordinated through the Office of High Representative for BiH (OHR) which is the state's ultimate authority, responsible for overseeing the implementation of civilian aspects of the Dayton Peace Agreement. The international community’s High Representative (HR) in BiH, Austrian diplomat Valentin Inzko, assists the authorities of the country to implement the five objectives and two conditions set out by the Peace Implementation Council (PIC). The PIC was established during the Dayton Accords. 

The Steering Board of the Council provides the HR with political guidance. However, it has proven to be difficult to reach a consensus on main issues between members of the PIC Steering board that consists of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Presidency of the European Union, the European Commission and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference represented by Turkey. Therefore the position of the HR on certain issues is vague. The HR’s office must stay in place until the set goals have been achieved and ensure implementation of the 1995 Dayton Accords, which include “peaceful coexistence within one single state of different ethnic communities”. When these goals are achieved, the HR will be replaced by an EU Special Representative for BiH. The EU Delegation to Bosnia and Herzegovina, headed by Peter Sorensen, has increasingly taken up several tasks and is the second-largest delegation of the world.

The road to EU-membership 
The two Western Balkans states that are de facto a protectorate of the International Community, Kosovo and BiH, are lagging behind in the EU integration process compared to their neighbours. On the one hand, BiH has not been able to implement reforms that would move the country further towards EU accession, while on the other hand, the political elite has an interest in containing the status quo. The constitution that is based on ethnic division and the unwillingness of the political elite to change it has proved to be a major obstacle. As a consequence, the EU’s strategy regarding the country changed from reform-related conditionality to socio-economic challenges it faced. 

A written commitment to reforms by the BiH institutions and leadership led to the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) entering into force in June 2015. The process of establishing the SAA took more than ten years, initiated only after BiH agreed on reforms set as a condition by the European Commission (EC) in its Feasibility Study published in 2003. In the sixteen areas identified by the EU that needed reform, reform of the defence, the police and the establishment of state law on the public broadcasting system proved to be the most difficult areas to meet EU conditions. This was due to the reluctance existing within the RS entity, opposing strong state government at the expense of the entity’s power. 

Only in 2008, the obstacles were overcome, resulting in new agreements visa facilitation and readmission, as well as an interim Agreement on Trade and Trade-related issues. As a consequence of the political deadlock after the 2010 elections no further required reforms were implemented and the country fell even further behind in the EU integration process. The ethnic and political division and the lack of willingness among the political elite to move forward as the status quo benefits the ruling elite seem to be the main reasons for the slow implementation of the reforms. Pressure from within society has proven to be crucial for achieving progress. Clear and achievable goals, such as visa liberalisation, are important tools for making concrete steps on the road to EU membership.

In February 2016 the country submitted its application to join the EU. This seemingly important international step forward is contradicted by the divisions on the ground and war-time rhetoric by political leaders. According to international observers, the lack of progress mainly has to do with the role of the EU, which "neglected its role in promoting democracy among aspiring member states", a Freedom House report of February 2017 said. Instead of addressing the problems with the Bosnian political elite, the EU has chosen to endorse the elite. In the past years, the Bosnian political elite has only looked to the international actors’ position, and never felt the need to be represented and serve its citizens.

Lack of improvements trigger leak of EU non-papers
The EU appears undecided on how to conduct its strategy towards BiH. Meanwhile, the United States (US) has been too busy with internal affairs to have adopted a clear-cut strategy for BiH. Though in more recent times there seems to be more attention for BiH and Germany has been pushing for revitalising the OHR, new plans face much criticism. The OHR is accused of a lack of democratic accountability. The leak of two EU non-papers in the spring of 2021, on redrawing the Balkan border to accelerate EU integration of the Western Balkans, can be considered a consequence of a lack of progress, especially in BiH, but also its neighbouring countries Serbia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania.

The controversial non-papers were undisclosed and unofficial documents that shared confidentiality between governments and governing institutions. The non-papers proposed Serbia, Croatia and Albania swallowing up parts of neighbouring BiH, North Macedonia and Kosovo. The essence of the plan was to divide the Balkan along ethnic lines, which caused a major controversy. The EU was quick to respond that it was fully committed to BiH’s sovereignty and unity. However, high placed EU officials have kept silent on the issue. Though nothing will likely come from the papers, it shows how the EU is struggling when it comes to its relation with BiH, which has been discussing EU membership for a long time now.

Female representation and women’s rights
The authorities in BiH seem to have little interest in addressing the human rights problems, which the country has been struggling with for many years now. During the Bosnian War and Bosnian genocide, women suffered from mass sexual violence. Estimates of rape range from 12,000 to 50,000. In 2020 the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) still concluded that the country had failed to conduct adequate investigations into conflict-related sexual violence and compensations were often unsatifactionary. There have been improvements since the War though, with the in 2003 adopted Gender Equality Law. In theory, the constitution ensures equality between men and women now.

In practice, society remains much committed to traditional gender roles. To illustrate, although the constitution states that 30% of political candidates need to be female, this number was less than 20% during the local elections of 2020. On a national and regional level, about 26% of those elected are female. However, there has been a trend towards more women in local politics in recent years, supported by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD) and the OSCE. They are paving the way for more gender equality. Just like in many of the world’s countries, the COVID-19 pandemic and following government restrictions led to an increase of domestic gender based violence.

LGBTI rights
LGBTI people still need to deal with discrimination and face challenges that non-LGBTI people do not. However, especially in recent years, BiH has seen quite some improvements when it comes to LGBTI rights. As it is one of the guarantees for becoming a full EU member, in 2016 the government adopted a comprehensive anti-discrimination law, making it illegal to discriminate against someone based on sexual orientation, gender identity and sex characteristics. Since 1996 homosexuality has been legal, with BiH’s different entities following in the years afterwards, but there is still no legal recognition of same-sex couples on a national level. The government has been considering adopting this since 2018 though and might follow the example of neighbouring Montenegro.

Religion continues to play an important role in Bosnian society, which has its negative implications on the attitudes towards the LGBTI community. LGBTI events often end up in violence, with the 2008 Queer Sarajevo Festival being the most notable example. A 2017 poll by Pew Research showed that 13% would support same-sex marriage, with 84% opposing it. The trend has been positive though. The second Sarajevo Pride march took place in August of 2020, without any major incidents. LGBTI activists saw an increase in online threats during the march though. Like in many other countries, the COVID-19 pandemic marked year saw an increase in violence against LGBTI people.


POLITICAL SYSTEM

Bosnia and Herzegovina (state-level)
The parliament consists of two houses. The House of Peoples has 15 delegates: five for each ethnic group. The Serb representatives are appointed by the parliament of the RS and Bosniaks and Croats are employed from the parliament of the F BiH. The House of Representatives has 42 members. Two-third is elected from the F BiH and one third from the RS by regular elections for a four-year mandate. Their role is to adopt the state budget, to elect the government on the proposal of the presidency, and to adopt laws. The government is presided by a prime minister with the official title of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. As both entities also have a prime minister, it is important to understand the difference and on which level these Prime Ministers operate.

The Presidency
The presidency consists of three persons elected by direct election for a four-year mandate. The Serb member of the presidency is elected from the RS and the Croat and Bosniak members are elected from the F BiH. They rotate every eight months on ethnic principle.

Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (entity)
Similar to the state-level, the entity F BiH has a two-house parliament. The House of Peoples has 58 delegates elected from ten cantonal assemblies: 17 Bosniaks, 17 Croats, 17 Serbs and 7 other nationalities. Its role is to protect the ethnic interests of the represented ethnic groups. The House of Representatives has 98 members elected directly from election districts on open lists. The F BiH’s leader is a Prime Minister.

Republic Srpska (entity)
RS has a two-chamber parliament as well, consisting of the Council of Peoples and the National Assembly. The Council of Peoples has the same responsibilities as the House of Peoples in F BiH but has a different structure. There are four ethnic clubs: 8 Serbs, 8 Bosniaks, 8 Croats and 4 other elected municipal councils because there are no cantons in RS. The national assembly has 83 members elected for a four-year term, around three quarters elected in multi-seat constituencies and one quarter through compensatory lists. RS also has a prime minister, but other than F BiH also has a separate president.

In addition, there exists the district of Brcko which is a self-governing administrative unit, established as a neutral area under joint Serb, Croat and Bosniak authority.

Current system

State Level
 Bosniak president - Bakir Izetbegović Party of Democratic Action
 Croat president – Dragan Čović Croatian Democratic Union of BiH
 Serbian – Mladen Ivanić Party of Democratic Progress
 Chairman of the Council of Ministers – Denis Zvizdić Party of Democratic Action
Entity level
 RS 
 President - Milorad Dodik Union of Independent Social Democrats
 Prime Minister - Zeljka Cvijanovic Union of Independent Social Democrats 
 F BiH
 Prime Minister - Fadil Novalić Party of Democratic Action

Elections

Parliamentary and presidential elections 2018
On Sunday 7 October 2018, national elections were held in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Voters were able to elect lawmakers for the national House of Representatives, for the entity parliament of either the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (F-BiH) or the Republika Srpska (RS), and for the three members of the rotating presidency of the country. The RS elected a new President for their entity. Milorad Dodik, leader of the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) has won the Serbian seat in the rotating presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with 53.8% of Republika Srpska votes in his favour. Dodik has until now been the president of that entity, having won votes for the position in his favour in every election since 2006. Not only did the SNSD regain the Serbian seat in the national rotating presidency, but it also saw its candidate Željka Cvijanović win the presidency of Republika Srpska.

Quite a change has taken place regarding the Croatian seat of the national presidency. After having been absent from it for four years, Democratic Front (DF) leader Željko Komšić has won the Croatian seat of the national presidency, with almost 20% more votes than the current occupant of that seat, Dragan Čović of the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ-BiH).Šefik Džaferović from the mainly Bosniak Party of Democratic Action (SDA) has won the Bosniak seat of the national presidency over Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP) candidate Denis Bećirović, by around 4%. This means that the position remains in the hands of the more nationalist SDA over the more moderate social democrats of the SDP as it has been in almost all of the past 20 years.

All in all, the 2018 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina have shown little progress in comparison with previous elections. Bosnians still mainly cast their votes along ethnic lines, and ethnic-nationalistic parties again hold a majority in all parliaments and the presidency seats. However, the SDP and other multi-ethnic parties have experienced some growth. This shows that there are people in the country who would like to see a change in multi-ethnic politics and reform. Hopefully, this trend will continue, and multi-ethnic parties will gain more ground in the future. For the new government, however, the chance of tangible reforms being carried through is not much higher than it was in the past years.

Official results BiH House of Representatives

Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina

2018

Seats

2014

Party of Democratic Action (SDA)

25.5%

8

27.9%

Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) – coalition

14.7%

5

12.2%

Social Democratic Party (SDP)

14.2%

5

9.5%

Democratic Front – Citizens’ Union (DF-CU)

9.7%

3

15.3%

Union for a Better Future (SBB-BiH)

6.8%

2

14.4%

Naša Stranka (Our Party)

4.9%

2

 

Nezavisni Blok

4.2%

1

 

Pokret Demokratske Akcije (PDA)

3.9%

1

 

A-SDA Za Evropsku BiH – Zajedno

3%

1

 

 

 

 

 

Republika Srpska

2018

Seats

2014

Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD)

39.1%

6

38.5%

Serb Democratic Party (SDS) – coalition

24.3%

3

32.6%

Party of Democratic Progress (PDP)

12.6%

2

7.8%

Democratic People’s Union (DNS)

10.3%

1

5.7%

Socialist Party (SP)

4.7%

1

 

Party of Democratic Action (SDA)

4.5%

1

 

Social Democratic Party (SDP)

1.5%

-

-

 

Official results Republika Srpska entity parliament

 

2018

2014

Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD)

31.8%

32.3%

Serb Democratic Party (SDS) – coalition

18%

26.2%

Democratic People’s Union (DNS)

14.4%

9.2%

Party of Democratic Progress (PDP)

10.2%

7.4%

Socialist Party (SP)

8.2%

5.1%

 

Results Republika Srpska Presidency

 

2018

Željka Cvijanović (SNSD)

47 %

Vukota Govedarica (SzP)

41.8 %

 

Official results Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina parliament

 

2018

2014

Party of Democratic Action (SDA)

25.2%

27.8%

Social Democratic Party (SDP)

14.5%

10.1%

Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) – coalition

14.4%

11.9%

Democratic Front – Citizens’ Union

9.4%

12.9%

Union for a Better Future (SBB-BiH)

7.1%

14.7%

 

Official results rotating presidency

Bosniak Member

Croatian member

Serbian Member

Šefik Džaferović (SDA)

36.61%

Željko Komšić (DF)

52.64%

Milorad Dodik (SNSD)

53.88%

Denis Bećirović (SDP)

33.53%

Dragan Čović (HDZ-BiH)

36.14%

Mladen Ivanić (Coalition Together for Srpska)

42.74%

Fahrudin Radončić (SBB-BiH)

12.95%

Diana Zelenika (HDZ 1990)

6.04%

Mirjana Popović (SPS)

1.86%

 

Election observers
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), concluded that the general elections were genuinely competitive but characterized by continuing segmentation along ethnic lines. The freedoms of speech, movement and association were generally respected, “We saw that fundamental freedoms were respected but, at the same time, there is enduring mistrust in the country’s institutions,” said Ambassador Peter Tejler, head of the ODIHR election observation mission. The voter turnout stood at 53.4%, which was slightly lower than in the 2014 general elections.

2020 local elections
The most recent elections in BiH were the local elections held on 15 November 2020, in which citizens could vote on the councils of 143 municipalities, as well as the mayors of 22 towns and cities. The elections yielded interesting results, with the opposition parties managing to deal a strong blow to BiH’s three major nationalist parties. The Bosniak Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Bosnian Serb Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) and the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) will still remain in control over the largest number of municipalities, but none of the parties were celebrating after the election results came in.

It seems like a trend that started during the 2018 general elections, with multiethnic opposition parties booking some minor successes, has continued. Although the voter turnout  remained beneath 50%, the voters that cast their ballot sent a strong message to the governing parties. Already prior to the election, it was predicted that the SDA, SNSD and HDZ would be punished for their poor performance and ongoing corruption scandals, amid the country’s COVID-19-related health, political, economic and social crises. There is some belief that his trend could continue working towards the 2022 general elections, which would pave the way for new leadership in BiH. 

Political parties

Social Democratic Parties

Logo of Alliance of Independent Social Democrats

Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD)

Party Leader: Milorad Dodik

http://www.snsd.org/

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Logo of Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP B&H)

Party Leader: Nermin Nikšić

http://sdp.ba/

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Social Democratic Union (SDU)

Party Leader: Ivan Zlatić

http://www.sdu.org.rs/

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Logo of Socialist Party of Republika Srpska

Socialist Party of Republika Srpska (SPRS)

Party Leader: Petar Djokic

http://socijalisti.ba/

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Other Parties

Logo of Party of Democratic Action

Party of Democratic Action (SDA)

Party Leader: Bakir Izetbegović

http://www.sda.ba/

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Logo of Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ-BiH)

Party Leader: Dragan Covic

http://www.hdzbih.org/

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Logo of Croatian Democratic Union 1990

Croatian Democratic Union 1990 (HDZ-1990)

Party Leader: Ilija Cvitanović

http://www.hdz1990.org/

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Logo of Serbian Democratic Party

Serbian Democratic Party (SDS)

Party Leader: Mirko Šarović

http://www.sdsrs.com/

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Logo of Party for Democratic Progress

Party for Democratic Progress (PDP)

Party Leader: Branislav Borenović

http://pdp.rs.ba/

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Logo of Alliance for a Better Future of BiH

Alliance for a Better Future of BiH (SBB)

Party Leader: Fahrudin Radončić

https://www.sbb.ba/

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Logo of Our party

Our party (NS)

Party Leader: Predrag Kojović

http://www.nasastranka.ba/

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Smaller Parties

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Biographies

Image of Fadil Novalić  (Source: https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/bih/novalic-sljedeci-mjesec-sve-penzije-ce-biti-povecane-za-2-5-do-3-5-posto-osim-onih-najvecih/180409104)

Fadil Novalić

Prime Minister

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Image of Šefik Džaferović

Šefik Džaferović

President of BiH (Bosniak member) and Party of Democratic Action

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Image of Milorad Dodik

Milorad Dodik

President of BiH (Serb member) and Leader Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD)

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Image of Željko Komšić

Željko Komšić

President of BiH (Croat member) and Social Democratic Party (SDP)

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Image of Bakir Izetbegović

Bakir Izetbegović

Speaker of the House of Peoples of BiH

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Image of Željka Cvijanović

Željka Cvijanović

President of Republika Srpska

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Image of Nermin Nikšić  (Source: https://www.facebook.com/pg/niksic.sdp/photos/)

Nermin Nikšić

Leader of the Social Democratic Party

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